Les manuscrits de la mer Morte et la littérature paulinienne
The Dead Sea Scrolls and Pauline Literature

Résumés des communications | abstracts

 

Philippiens 3,21–4,1 et 1QS IV 6–8

Christian Grappe
Université de Strasbourg

En Ph 3,21–4,1, Paul, au terme d’un développement qui met en tension, à la lumière de la puissance de la résurrection et du Ressuscité, réalités présentes et à venir, apostrophe les destinataires de son épître de manière tout particulièrement élogieuse et leur indique qu’ils sont sa joie et sa couronne. Il se trouve que la joie et la couronne relèvent des biens eschatologiques que promet aux fils de Lumière et à l’horizon de la Visite l’Instruction sur les deux Esprits en 1QS 4,6–8. Il nous semble que le texte qumrânien, traversé lui aussi par une tension entre réalités présentes et avenir, peut permettre d’éclairer le texte de Paul et de comprendre que les destinataires constituent déjà, à ses yeux, une sorte d’ornement eschatologique qui vient dès à présent couronner son ministère grâce à la puissance du Ressuscité qui y est à l’œuvre.

 

La première aux Thessaloniciens à la lumière des manuscrits de la mer Morte

Claude Coulot
Université de Strasbourg

Plusieurs passages, termes ou expressions de la première épître de Paul aux Thessaloniciens peuvent être lus et compris à la lumière de quelques textes des manuscrits de la mer Morte.
Je proposerai d’abord une lecture des passages, des termes ou des expressions de la première lettre aux Thessaloniciens en relation avec les textes parallèles des manuscrits de la mer Morte.
Par ailleurs, les rapprochements qui peuvent être établis entre quelques textes des ma nuscrits de la mer Morte et la première lettre de Paul aux Thessaloniciens posent la ques tion de la relation de Paul, issu de la diaspora, formé au pied de Gamaliel, avec le milieu sadocite : comment expliquer les rapprochements qui ont été établis ? Sur ce point, il faut peut-être élargir le débat et mentionner que dans sa lettre, Paul, qui s’adresse, semble-t-il, à des chrétiens issus du monde païen (cf. 1Th 1, 9-10) cite des textes des écritures ou y fait allusion. Il pourrait même reprendre des slogans gréco-romains antijuifs (cf. 1Th 2, 15). De telles observations invitent à mieux cerner, dans la mesure du possible, le milieu de pensée dans lequel Paul baignait, et le milieu de pensée des chrétiens auxquels il s’adressait et qui avaient à comprendre ses propos. Je tenterai de le faire en conclusion de mon propos.

 

2 Cor 6,14–7,1 – once more and finally

George J. Brooke
University of Manchester

This paper will take another look at the language and literary character of 2 Corinthians 6:14–7:1 in the light of the whole corpus of materials now available from the Qumran caves. The presentation will argue that much of the debate since Joseph Fitzmyer’s classic 1961 study has been prejudiced by approaches and assumptions that either ignore the possible Jewish background of the section or make unjustified literary assertions. In reviewing the status quaestionis in the light of the whole Qumran corpus, it will be argued that detailed linguistic features, the nature and content of the anthological use of scripture, and the literary signals in 2 Corinthians itself all work together to demonstrate the independent character of the section. Whereas scholars have generally recently refuted such independence on a case by case basis, they have not given adequate place to the cumulative argument that this presentation will amass. Nevertheless, literary independence itself requires nuanced and subtle interpretation and does not necessarily exclude a significant role for Paul in the final form of the text.

 

Prophetic Models of Affliction? Paul, the Hodayot and the ‘Interstitial’

Emmanuel Nathan
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven

The issue of apostolic suffering is central in the Second Letter to the Corinthians, as is evidenced by no less than three catalogues of Paul’s hardships (peristasis) in the epistle (2 Cor 4:8–9, 6:4–10, 11:23–28), and Paul’s frequent references to his afflictions (thlipsis). The trend in older scholarship has been to either find Paul’s roots for this in Hellenistic portraits of the afflicted sage or Jewish apocalyptic views on the endurance of suffering. Not surprisingly, indicative of the shift nowadays to view Paul beyond the Judaism/Hellenism divide, recent scholarship is willing to maintain that Paul employed a combination of both Jewish and Hellenistic motifs when portraying his suffering in the epistle. I will investigate whether the discussion can be further refined by insights on the evolving nature of prophecy in Second Temple times and a recent provocative thesis that Paul entertained an understanding of himself as a prophet. I will argue that Paul relied on a prophetic model of affliction, a model based on prophetic prototypes, but one that he was also involved in constructing. In my paper I will focus on Paul’s presentation of his hardships in 2 Cor 4:8–9, surrounded as they are by prophetic motifs in the larger context (2 Cor 2:14–7:4). I will also look at the characterization of affliction (ng‘) and pain (k’b) in the Hodayot of the Teacher and ask whether a broader case can be made for the prophetic model of affliction and its ‘re-accentuation’ among Second Temple Jewish groups. Finally, I will sketch the broader framework of my research interest in Paul’s presentation of his afflictions, one that taps into cultural anthropology’s notion of the ‘interstitial’, which I will link to Paul’s formulation of the role-reversing divine plan of ‘power through weakness’ (2 Cor 12:9), and my own hypothesis of a Pauline construction of ‘prophetic disability’ in 2 Cor 2:14–7:4.

 

Les manuscrits de la mer Morte et l’épître aux Galates : quelques cas d’interdiscursivité

Jean-Sébastien Rey
Université Paul Verlaine, Metz

En utilisant le concept d’interdirscursivité développé par les analystes du discours, nous proposons d’examiner comment l’argument de Paul, dans l’épître aux Galates, se construit à partir de discours antérieurs dont les manuscrits de la mer Morte sont résolument de précieux témoins. Dans le cadre de cette communication, nous nous limiterons à deux exemples tirés de Ga 2,16 et de Ga 3,6–9.

 

4QMMT and the Letters of Paul: Aspects of Mutual Illumination

Lutz Doering
Durham University

While the extent to which 4QMMT might illuminate the letters of Paul has a firm place in recent New Testament scholarship, most notably with respect to the understanding of erga nomou, Paul’s letters may, conversely, shed light on 4QMMT, particularly on the vexed question of its genre and related pragmatic aspects. This paper will discuss issues of generic classification; the fact that both sets of texts were kept, copied and re-read; features of discourse and structure; and the construal of groups. It is argued that 4QMMT might be closer to epistolary texts than sometimes allowed for and that, conversely, Paul’s letters reflect some pragmatic and thematic concerns not unlike those in Jewish written communication.


« Les œuvres de la Loi » :
Mariage et divorce à Qumrân et dans les lettres de Paul

Émile Puech
CNRS-Paris – EBAF-Jérusalem

Dans cette note, « les œuvres de la Loi » en 4QMMT et dans les lettres de Paul sont examinées sous un aspect particulier traité de part et d’autre, à savoir comment chacun des auteurs a compris, pour leurs communautés respectives, les exigences de la Loi au sujet du mariage et du divorce pour avoir part au salut promis par Dieu au fidèle. Il importe d’abord de définir ce que recouvre l’expression « les œuvres de la Loi » dans ces compositions. Puis ayant précisé ce que prescrit la Loi au sujet du mariage et du divorce dans la Bible et noté quelques applications dans l’histoire du peuple, sont passées en revue les positions des Esséniens et de Paul reprenant les ordres de Jésus, confrontés aux données évangéliques. Si Paul accorde une place différente aux « œuvres de la Loi » dans le salut du fidèle, en revanche les positions sont proches dans l’application de la loi sur le mariage et le divorce, contrairement à la pratique du judaïsme contemporain. Des deux côtés, les fidèles sont appelés à observer les exigences de la Loi dans l’appel à la sainteté.

 

Gal 3:10–14 in the light of Qumran

Florentino García Martínez
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven

This contribution will try to present how the texts from Qumran can illuminate some elements of the writings of Paul. Two examples of the language and the terminology used by Paul, as well as a central topic of his theology, are analyzed and clarified by the Qumran texts, not by an improbable genetic relationship or literary dependence, but by the common use of the same source: the Hebrew Scriptures.

 

La grâce dans la Règle de la Communauté et dans l’épître aux Galates

Jan Dušek
Charles University in Prague

Le thème de la grâce (charis) est un des motifs centraux dans les épîtres pauliniennes, notamment dans celles aux Galates et aux Romains. La grâce (hesed) joue également un rôle dans la Règle de la Communauté de Qumran. Notre objectif est de comparer les concepts exprimés par les notions de charis et de hesed dans ces textes et de formuler leur éventuel rapport.


Paul, the Jerusalem Church and the World of the Scrolls:
A Study of Graeco-Semitic Language Contacts and Standards of Missionary Ethics

Albert L.A. Hogeterp
Tilburg School of Theology

The Jewish world of the early Jesus-movement is recurrently in view in the Letters of Paul the apostle, in particular when he refers to the Jerusalem church. Paul’s Letters generally are the earliest dated documents of Christianity. Paul repeatedly refers to Peter (Gal 2:7-8) by his Aramaic name ‘Cephas’ (1 Cor 1:12, 3:22, 9:5, 15:5; Gal 1:18, 2:9.11.14). The full published corpus of the Dead Sea Scrolls enables us to construe a picture of Aramaic language use in literary and documentary contexts as well as of Semitic Jewish contexts of thought about religious instruction and ethical standards. This paper will analyse relevant passages in 1-2 Corinthians, Romans and Galatians in context with regard to the apostle’s contacts with the Jerusalem church. Comparison with the Dead Sea Scrolls aims at elucidating Jewish contexts to Graeco-Semitic language contacts on the one hand and standards of missionary ethics on the other. Examples of comparative analysis include the collection for the poor in Jerusalem, organizational matters, religious self-perception in relation to others, and literary aspects of letter writing. The paper will finally turn to an evaluation of how these comparative studies impact our understanding of Paul’s communication to his earliest readers and of Paul’s theology.

 

Image of God and Image of Christ: Developments in Ancient Jewiqh an Pauline Anthropology

Friedrich Avemarie
Philipps-Universität Marburg

The creation of humankind ‘in God’s image and according to God’s likeness’ is one of the most fundamental tenets of biblical anthropology, unequalled in theological audacity and confidence. At the same time however it marks a strange case of discontinuity in inner-biblical tradition history, of an irritating discrepancy between the Old and New Testament perspectives, or more precisely, between the book of Genesis and the letters of Paul.
In the book of Genesis the notion of God’s image is connected to the creation of Adam and Eve and thus is accorded universal validity. For Paul, however, the image of God is Christ rather than Adam and Eve while the divine stamp impressed on humankind is the image of Christ. Moreover, the image of Christ according to Paul is not part of humankind’s creational nature but the result of an eschatological transformation of those who believe in Christ.
The closest analogy in Judaism to the Pauline distinction between ‘image of God’ and ‘image of Christ’ is found in the writings of Philo of Alexandria, who distinguishes between the divine Logos being God’s image and the human mind, which, according to Gen 1:27 LXX, was created not ‘as’, but ‘in accordance with’, God’s image. The Pauline idea therefore looks very much like an eschatologizing adaptation of that of Philo: Rather than through the very first Adam, humankind receives its divine stamp through the ‘eschatos Adam’, who is Christ (1 Cor 15:45–49).
If Paul’s idea of eschatological transformation had indeed grown from such a matrix, it would nevertheless seem that the original connection between the Old Testament notion of ‘image of God’ and his own concept of ‘image of Christ’ is no longer discernible in his letters. This impression is however misleading, as can be demonstrated from a number of other ancient Jewish writings: The most prominent features Paul attaches to the believers’ eschatological image-of-Christ status—they are endowed with justice and glory, and they are chosen to be children of God—appear in Jewish sources, from the more recent layers of the Old Testament and the writings of the Yahad to the early rabbinic literature, as outstanding characteristics of God’s first-created Adam. This seems to suggest that Paul developed his eschatological anthropology in full awareness and in conscious appropriation of the creational anthropology of the Old Testament and early post-biblical Judaism.

 

“The Body of Sin” and its Purification: Paul, the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Jewish Writings

Menahem Kister
Hebrew University of Jerusalem

The lecture will be devoted to a scrutiny of two passages in Paul’s writings concerning the transformation of “the old man” to “the new man” (Romans 6 and Colossians 3). The former describes this transformation as purification of the human body whereas the latter stresses putting off vices and putting on virtues. These two descriptions are compared to passages from both Qumran and rabbinic literature. It is argued that the Jewish passages may shed light on the emergence of the Christological anthropology and soteriology expressed by Paul in the passages in Romans and Colossians. It will be further posited that texts that are seemingly peculiar to Qumran sectarians are part of a larger literary pattern and ideology.

 

Paul's Use of Authoritative Scriptures in the Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls
Timothy H. Lim
University of Edinburgh

In this paper I will discuss how the Dead Sea Scrolls help us to understand better Paul's use of authoritative scriptures. The starting point of our discussion of the ‘canonical’ question is Paul's dual identity as ‘a Hebrew of Hebrews’ κατὰ νόμον Φαρισαῖος (Phil 3:5) and ἐθνῶν ἀπόστολος (Rom 11:13). As a former Pharisee, Paul would have held to the 22/24 book canon of the Pharisees. Yet two additional factors must be taken into account: ‘the revelation of Jesus Christ’ (Gal 1:12) to him, and his mission as apostle to ethnically (both Jews and Gentiles) mixed congregations and his inculturation in the Graeco-Roman world. It will be argued that Paul's understanding of authoritative scriptures could not remain with ἡ παλαιὰ διαθήκη (2 Cor 3:14).

 

Israel and the Community in Paul and Qumran (Rom 9–11 and the Rule texts from Qumran)
Jutta Leonhardt-Balzer
University of Aberdeen

In Romans 9-11 Paul struggles greatly with the definition of Israel. He argues against the suggestion that the inclusion of the gentiles into the people of God and at the same time the rejection of Christ by the majority of the Jews indicates that the coming of Christ shows that God has changed his mind about Israel. This means that for him Israel is defined not only by God’s election but also by the biological descent from the patriarchs. A comparison with the main rule texts from Qumran (1QS and CD) shows that this is not the only option of interpreting Israel in the first century CE. The Qumran rules show a consistent definition of Israel as the original nation of the covenant, which later departed from God’s will, and regards the community as the only faithful remnant of Israel, the true representative of Israel. There is the idea that in the final days Israel will once again consist only of those who are faithful to God’s covenant (1QSa), however unlike Paul’s pas Israel sothesetai, this does not spell salvation for everyone but the ultimate elimination of the unfaithful. It is an important feature of the apostle’s faith that he refuses to adopt this idea of Israel, which was not only known in Qumran but also in other Jewish traditions, although it would have been much easier to apply it to the Christian communities than Paul’s simultaneous emphasis on God’s faithfulness and the salvation through Christ.

 

Ends Meet: Qumran and Paul on Circumcision
Daniel R. Schwartz
Hebrew University

In the first century, the question of the need for circumcision as a condition for one’s salvation was actively debated. That century, which witnessed the appearance of the earliest clear evidence for the practice of an operation (“epispasm”) that undoes circumcision, also saw a whole gamut of opinion as to who needed circumcision. For the most part, this controversy divided those who agreed that circumcision can make a non-Jewish male into a Jew: at one pole Paul claimed there was an alternative route to becoming a son of Abraham, namely faith; at another pole there were Jews who claimed that circumcision was a sine qua non for becoming a Jew; and alongside those views there were those, such as Luke and a Jewish missionary in Adiabene (according to Josephus), who agreed that only circumcision could make one a Jew but emphasized that one needn’t become a Jew nor join the Jewish community in order to be saved. This paper will argue that there was also a fourth view, which denied the premise, common to the others, that circumcision could make a non-Jew into a Jew. For priestly Judaism, best known today from Qumran, it seems that Jewish identity was predicated upon Jewish birth and circumcision could not change that – but it also appears that uncircumcised too could come become members of the community of the saved, which was a Jewish community. That view, although based upon a premise antithetical to universalism, comes more or less to the same practical result.

 

Overlapping Ages at Qumran and “Apocalyptic” in Pauline Theology
Loren Stuckenbruck
Princeton university

Taking the "eschatological tension" attributed by scholars to Pauline theology as a point of departure and noting that this is often regarded as an important contribution of Paul's thought to early "Christian" understanding of the world and interpretation of the significance of Jesus, this paper explores the degree to which analogous forms of "eschatological tension" may be apparent among the Dead Sea texts. The paper not only highlights the importance of the early Enochic traditions in this regard, but also a number of other materials, including the Songs of the Maskil (4Q444, 510-511), Serekh ha-Yahad (both the opening columns of 1QS and pars., as well as the Two Spirits Treatise), and further Aramaic and Hebrew documents. Emerging from this overview is the somewhat surprising, yet neglected degree to which the structure of Paul's eschatological reserve in view of God's definitive activity in the Christ-event (a "not yet" in light of the "already") reflects a well worn theological pathway attested, for example, among the Dead Sea documents.

 

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